Usul Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas mengenai LAMP

Tarikh Perbahasan: 20 March 2012 (Selasa) 11.30a.m

Live Sidang Parlimen: http://mppas.wordpress.com/2007/10/22/live-parlimen/

ATURAN URUSAN MESYUARAT DAN USUL-USUL

1. Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri  akan mencadangkan :-

“BAHAWA mengikut Peraturan 81 (1) Peraturan-peraturan Majlis  Mesyuarat Dewan Rakyat, Majlis ini mengambil ketetapan berikut:

(a) Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Mengenai Projek Lynas Advanced  Materials Plant (LAMP) dilantik bagi tujuan meneliti isu-isu yang  menjadi perhatian pihak awam serta standard keselamatan projek  ini.

(b) Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas tersebut hendaklah terdiri daripada Sembilan (9) Ahli Dewan Rakyat:

(i) Lima (5) anggota daripada Barisan Nasional (termasuk seorang Menteri sebagai Pengerusi);

(ii) Tiga (3) anggota daripada Pembangkang

(iii) Satu (1) anggota selain daripada Barisan Nasional atau Pembangkang (Bebas).

Jika Pengerusi yang dipilih tidak hadir dalam sesuatu Mesyuarat, Jawatankuasa tersebut hendaklah memilih Pengerusi dari kalangan Anggota-anggota Jawatankuasa yang hadir yang akan memegang jawatannya hanya pada hari ia dipilih itu sahaja;

(c) Tempoh masa pelantikan Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas tersebut adalah selama tiga (3) bulan. Jika Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas tersebut tidak dapat melaksanakan tugas-tugas yang diserahkan dalam tempoh tersebut, perkara ini hendaklah dibawa semula ke Majlis Mesyuarat Dewan Rakyat bagi maksud pelanjutan tempoh pelantikan;

(d) Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas tersebut hendaklah menyiapkan dan membentangkan penyata Jawatankuasa yang mengandungi syorsyor berkaitan dan penyata Jawatankuasa tersebut hendaklah

dikemukakan kepada Majlis Mesyuarat Dewan Rakyat untuk dipersetujui atau mengikut apa-apa cara yang diperintahkan oleh Majlis Mesyuarat tersebut.’’

讥符策勤暗指纳吉愚蠢 李健聪促启动环评程序

人民公正党彭亨州州委李健聪表示,首相纳吉越俎代庖代立法单位宣布成立国会特委会,不但僭越了行政单位的权力,而且还沦为莱纳斯的公关主任为其漂白。

李健聪今天发表文告说,纳吉自709净选盟2.0集会之后,就不断地以“国会特委会”的名义来推搪人民的诉求,以粉饰其民主的橱窗。

“过去近50年,“国会特委会”(Select Committee)这字眼在国会内几近销声匿迹,而且几乎没有扮演过吃重的角色。相信如果要国阵列出曾经成立的特委会名单,也是一件很吃力的工作。为什么忽然之间什么事情都推向国会特委会呢?”

“为什么需要国会特委会来探究跟莱纳斯稀土厂有关的课题?为什么要特委会来承担接触人民的程序?环境部的权责在哪里? 原子能执照局的权责又在哪里呢?”

促正视民意反对设稀土厂

李健聪建议纳吉下令环境局与原子能执照局立即启动详尽环境评估报告(DEIA)的程序,因为该报告内规定必须与民众沟通与咨询,而且也符合国际原子能机构规定的“必须与当地民众沟通”的建议。

“巴洛与关丹民众不可能老远来到国会特委会进行咨询工作,而且当地民众早在2011年4月就已经前往国会呈交备忘录与要求接见纳吉,只是被官员大打“羽毛球”推三说四而未能见面。”

“而且,关丹国会议员傅芝雅也已经于2011年6月与国际原子能机构会面之时,成交了5万分的反对稀土厂请愿书。我实在不明白还需要咨询什么。”

设稀土厂是愚蠢决策

李健聪也表示,马青中委兼国阵青年团幕僚长符策勤发表“稀土厂是殖民主义者愚弄第三世界愚蠢决策者”的言论,后来纳吉又自揭特委会将不会决定稀土厂计划的命运之后,人民公正党认为符策勤的“愚蠢决策者”那是暗指首相。

李健聪表示赞同符策勤于日前在“国阵民联大比拼:拿出你的政策来!”论坛中的“第三世界愚蠢决策者”论调,并且认为有必要好好厘清愚蠢决策者的定义。

“只有第三世界的愚蠢决策者才会一而再,再而三地忽略人民的感受与意愿,与来自外国的资本家为虎作伥,不止给予跳楼大减价的税务优惠,帮忙外资涂抹脂粉,最终还搜刮了人民的性命与健康!”

“基于以上的归纳,我希望符策勤进一步说明其所指涉的‘第三世界愚蠢决策者’的对象到底是首相纳吉,还是成立稀土厂监督委员会,但至今该委员会已经处于冬眠状态的卫生部长廖中莱。”

Fuziah Salleh: It’s not for the PM and Cabinet to decide on the Terms of Reference for Lynas PSC

17th March 2012

The Prime Minister, Najib Razak made an announcement today that the formation of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Lynas is not to decide on the fate of Lynas, but rather an engagement exercise with the public, to allay fears as well as to look at the safety and health aspects that concerns the public.

Here, lies a fundamental flaw in the thinking and mindset of the ‘People First’ Prime Minister

Basically, UMNO being in power for 54 years had somehow conditioned the PM to constantly abuse the principle of the separation of powers. He needs to be reminded firstly, that Parliament is independent of the executive. Thus the Parliamentary Select Committee is a Parliamentary committee and from it’s name alone connote the fact that it’s the Parliament that should decide on it’s existence as well as on the terms of reference of it’s PSC. The cabinet and the Prime Minister must respect as well as honor that independence. To stop making decisions and announcements for the Parliament will be a first step towards that outcome.

Secondly, the Cabinet seems to be using Parliament and the PSC as a tool to engage with the public and to carry out it’s public relations exercise.

This act continue to belittle the concerns of the people in Kuantan regarding the safety of LAMP. It’s nothing more than a ‘cover up’. On one hand verbally saying they are concerned but on the other hand, actually dismissing people by not listening to what the people wants.

The people in Kuantan and those living around the plant have repeated very clearly. They DO NOT want LAMP in Gebeng. And LAMP should not be anywhere in Malaysia for that matter.

If the government had truly put people first, they would have engaged with the public right from the beginning in 2007/2008 and the Kuantan people will not have to go through all these stress today.

Anwar Ibrahim: From Arab Street to Wall Street: The Changing Political Landscape

Speech by Anwar Ibrahim at the 20th Public Relations World Conference 2012 in Dubai, UAE, 14th March

Half a century ago in Vietnam, a Buddhist monk set himself on fire and triggered the fall of a regime. Since then, there have been numerous self-immolations with significant consequences but none as catastrophic as the one that happened in Tunisia.

Indeed, as we all know, Mohamed Buoazizi did not just set himself on fire. His death ignited the Arab Spring and spelled the doom of long held dictatorships and autocracies alike.

Back in 2005, at the US-Muslim World Forum in Doha, I spoke of the winds of change sweeping across the deserts of the Middle East. I said that given half a chance, the people would opt for freedom and democracy.

Well, the winds of change have become a raging storm, blowing the likes of Ben Ali, Mubarak, Gaddafi and Abdullah Salleh off their pedestals of power. There are others still hanging on for dear life but we know the outcome: it’s just a matter of time. You can’t fight the tide of history.

The repercussions of the Arab Spring are far reaching, going beyond the Middle East. Southeast Asia, for example, will be among the first to reap the fruits of this phenomenal change. Even so-called Old World democracies are affected. Wall Street, the icon of free market capitalism, has not been spared.

But first, the primary implications for the Middle East. Tunisia has successfully experienced her post-revolution general elections with significant results. The Egyptians too have cast their votes and all indications point to an Islamist-centric power sharing coalition. There are concerns that reactionaries may want to turn back the clock on democracy but this fear is premature. What is certain is that the test of democracy will be manifold and challenges will emerge to push the endurance to its limits.

For Egypt now, the real test of the Arab Spring is whether it will be the voice of the people that will prevail or will the guns and mortar of the military hold sway. And even in this people’s voice, whether the voice of moderation will prevail over the voice of ideological rigour.

As for Southeast Asia, detractors, sceptics, and the powers that be in the region have dismissed the idea of an Arab Spring. They say that it won’t happen because unlike the Middle East, there has been no winter of discontent in Southeast Asia.

They say that the economy has been good, unemployment numbers are far lower than even the old democracies, and that revolution is not the Asian way.

They say that while the Middle East is marked by the rule of autocrats and family dynasties, Southeast Asia is led by democratically elected leaders. One is notorious for human rights abuses, negation of the rule of law and is a hotbed for terrorism. The other is a region of peace and security and espouses the protection of fundamental liberties, a free market and a policy of non-interference.

It is said that street protests run counter to Asian values. An Arab Spring will undermine societal stability and economic prosperity. The powers that be tell us that Asian values favour a strong paternalistic government, not liberal democracy. Indeed, they have made it clear that they won’t allow it to happen.

Now, we think it’s time for a reality check.

Surely, the likes of Ben Ali, Mubarak and Gaddafi never allowed it to happen and had vowed to come down hard on their people. But the people went ahead, and they prevailed.

In spite of this, Southeast Asian leaders still believe that they can cow the people into submission. It seems to be lost on them that the Arab Spring happened because those deposed did not allow it to happen. And that is precisely the point – the spring is not about what they want – it’s about what the people want.

Before we go from the Arab Spring to Wall Street, a quick survey of Southeast Asia will be telling indeed. With the exception of Indonesia, ASEAN is but a confederation of various pseudo democracies and several outright dictatorial regimes. Civil liberties are honoured more in the breach, and political dissent is considered treachery while minorities are treated as second class. Religious minorities in particular are viewed with suspicion and often dealt with in a patronizing way.

As for rule of law, the actions of the authorities leave no room for dispute. For example, instead of being used to fight crime, the police are employed as first line of offence for the powers that be, to suppress street protests by brute force, harass political dissidents, and generally as tools to fight leaders of the opposition.

Similarly, the agency tasked to fight corruption, drags its feet when the suspects are from the government or ruling party while the public prosecutor consistently shows that it is either unwilling or impotent to prosecute those with strong political connections.

In other words, they are behaving in more or less the same manner as the powers that be in the Middle East used to behave before the Arab Spring.

A democracy is characterised by the institutionalising of democratic principles. For example, separation of powers enables the check and balance of one organ of state against another.

In this regard, the Arab Spring itself will be considered a failure if the newly minted democracies like Tunisia, Egypt and Libya are unable to ensure this separation. The judiciary, for example, must be totally free from the influence of the executive. We know that the mother of all power abuses stems from the tenacious hold exerted on the Judiciary by the Executive. I speak from direct personal experience but I’m sure other examples abound.

Again, elections must be free, fair and transparent. There must be equal access to a free media, open debates and a conduct of elections that can stand up to international scrutiny. This level playing field will never be realised when opposition leaders continue to be exposed to criminal prosecutions for exercising their right to free speech.

What proactive steps to reform are the spin doctors talking about when the opposition continues to be barred from the airwaves, rallies are not allowed as of right?

The Arab Spring is a metaphor for freedom and democracy for the rest of the world. It inspires the fight for justice for the oppressed and the marginalised. It gives hope to the weak and downtrodden that despite the odds stacked against them, there is light at the end of the tunnel.

The Arab Spring did not arise from a bed of roses. The violence and bloodshed that was descended on the people will serve as chilling reminders of desperate tyrants and autocrats trying to cling on to power.

The repercussions of the Arab Spring have been so far reaching that some say that Occupy Wall Street has been sired from its loins. Many may take issue with that and to my mind, a more apt description is that both are borne from winters of discontent.

Indeed, Occupy Wall Street is a clear indictment against market fundamentalism. It wants to nail the lie on the Wall Street mantra of “leaving it to market forces”. It exposes the flaws, some say fatal, in the foundations of the capitalistic economic model.

Like the Arab Spring, it has spread beyond its domestic borders moving on from one free market capital to another. It tears apart the philosophy of greed which is said to be the cornerstone of the Smithsonian rationale for capitalism.

I believe it is a build-up of societal angst arising from the gross inequities brought by the free market. The conservatives and the detractors tell them to get a life and get a job. But they have completely missed the point because the fact is that many of them can’t get jobs.

Arab Spring aspirants want free and fair elections i.e. equal opportunity to compete and on a level playing field. Likewise, Occupy Wall Street wants equality and if that is not possible at least an egalitarian deal, a 21st century New Deal. Not the Obama rhetoric of course but a real deal with tangible outcomes.

But we know that free competition has no truck with equality. That is why the bastions of capitalism are being overwhelmed. This is in essence a statement that people are simply fed up with getting poorer while the rich are getting richer – certainly not a new kind of suffering but one which has been given a collective voice by the movement and recognized as a legitimate grievance against the exploitation of the people by the corporate elite.

It is also a clear indictment against the concept of the invisible hand which has remained invisible so often that governments in the free world have felt compelled to intervene in situations traditionally left to market forces.

This brings us to a crucial component of the discourse: social justice. In my view, the principles of justice and fairness in dealings must remain the cornerstone to judge the validity of transactions. Justice and fairness can be attained through social justice.

But it should be remembered that the inequalities of wealth, power and status are not exclusive to nations practicing free markets.

Whatever may be the system, poverty reduction programs are essential without which the gap between the rich and the poor will never be narrowed. Occupy Wall Street therefore carries the overriding principle of the role of the state in guiding towards a more equitable distribution of wealth.

In Islam, the Maqasid al-Shari’a stress the importance of the protection of the environment, the eradication of poverty, and generally the promotion of social justice. Fighting poverty and redressing other social inequities are certainly among the priorities.

These concerns which should be the driving force of Occupy Wall Street must also be encompassed by the reforms of the Arab Spring. It is here that we can see a clear convergence. Where once both political tyranny and social injustice were prevalent, now we can say that the Arab Spring has changed the equation.

It has paved the way for further reforms. It certainly won’t be plain sailing but having come this far, there is no turning back.

Thank you.

 

绿色盛会教会我们的事

绿色盛会2.0成功举行,但是,据说出席人数很少。

官方媒体的说法是3000人。哇,看来这一次惨了,反莱纳斯运动已经失去了动力,现在大部分的民众都相信吸烟,还有沥青马路都比稀土厂更危险。而且,现场国会反对党领袖有出席致词,明显地反对党在煽动民众的情绪,而且政治化这个课题!

到底出席的人数有多少?国际足球场的大小是长120米,宽90米。当天出席的人数满满占据了大约两个草场。如果一平方米站着一人的话,那么出席的人数约为2万1600人。

当然,这是不专业的计算。专业的计算是3000人。专业媒体讲的话,肯定是不会错的。就好象首相讲莎丽扎辞掉部长的官职,与党职并没有关系一样,都是不会错的。

另外特别的是,这一次亲爱的警察叔叔不止没有喷水炮车,也没有抛催泪弹,而且
还给予全力配合。有人说,是因为大选要到了,所以警察特别开恩;也因为709净选盟做得太过分,民众不分族群背景大力反弹,要瞎掰催泪弹并没有射进同善医院的部长也落得灰头土脸,因此这一次才不来“硬”的。

我要在这里大声谴责发表以上言论的人士。警察的责任原本就是保护人民,无论我们在示威还是在上厕所,身为人民公仆的警察都有责任确保我们的安全。什么大选要到,什么来软的不来硬的,这些统统都是某些有心人士在炒作的议题,我们要冷静理性地思考,不要上当!

709的暴力事件,根本是我们的警察受到了某些人的摆布,才会做出傻事。这些人害怕干净与自由的选举,怕输掉自己的位子,才拿了我们中立的警察部队当挡箭牌。

在绿色盛会2.0中,你们难道没有看到警察们的努力吗?《和平集会法》原本禁止带孩童过来,但是许多家庭都扶老携幼,可是警察根本没有阻止。

第二,绿色盛会2.0的场地接近宗教膜拜场所,但是这个地点又是警方所建议的,所以看来警方也不同意《和平集会法》所设下的规定,因此默许我们以联邦宪法容许的方式进行和平集会。感谢大马皇家警方!
×本文也刊载于《南洋商报》星期二东海岸版《聪锋陷阵》专栏。

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